Communisation as a tendency originates from within the Continental European ultra-left milieu during the unfolding of working class activity during and after the 1968 to 1977 cycle of struggle. All communisation is immediatist, opposes work, insurrectionist, internationalist, and non-vanguardist,
(i) critiquing the contemporary roles of permanent institutions (e.g. trade union, societies/clubs, and the party-form itself) in leading class struggle and the making of a pre-revolutionary workers identity that can rally the entire class,
(ii) refusing to extol one section of the class as representative of the rest,
(iii) equating the revolutionary period as that which generates communist relations (i.e. rejects the concept of the transition period),
(vi) understanding the overcoming of the limitations of the myriad proletarian movements as the rupture which separates class activity and the proliferation of communism (dismissing overdetermination/multiplication of struggle as such)
(v) treating the vanguard as insufficient for the needs of the expanded and diversified working class, and
(vi) posits the high points of the old workers movement - from the Soviet Union to Revolutionary Catalonia - not as generative of communism, but of something else (the answer varies).
In times of unrest, communisers observe and encourage ad hoc strike committees (whether from scratch or growing from established organisations), collaboration with organised individuals rather than subsumption/entryism, counter-logistics as a means of interrupting and overturning capital circulation and technology, immediate intervention of women and racialised populations in struggles so long as patriarchy and racism persist within and without revolt, the linkage of urban and rural uprisings (esp. as a mediation of the struggle against ecocide), and other tactics which have the dual purpose of interrupting capitalist life and building communist life.
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